25 January 2012

Austin Blanch

26 January 2012

090491

PH 102 sec QQ

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­

Power Relations and Subjectivity of the Individual

Midterm Paper on Michel Foucault works

and Friedrich Nietzsche’s Zarathustra

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­

Foucault's later work (The Use of Pleasure) prioritizes subjectivity and truth while the earlier work (Discipline and Punish, The History of Sexuality Vol. 1) focus on power and knowledge. More specifically, in the later work, Foucault aimed "to study the games of truth and the relation of self with self and the forming of oneself as the subject" (UP, 6).

Foucault acknowledged a third theoretical shift in The Use of Pleasure that encourages him to look at what he termed “the subject”. In the work he studied the games of truth in the relationship of “self with self”. He named his field of investigation: the history of desiring man. To conduct the above project, Foucault moved the system to a view on how the hermeneutics[1] of self materialized in ancient times. Ultimately the system became an analysis of the “games of truth,” and it brought certain risks – delaying the publication of the work and being forced to deal with ancient documents that were beyond his expertise.

Foucault emphasized that the freedom-power combination cannot be conceived of without considering its relationship to truth. Foucault wrote, “The relation to truth was a structural, instrumental, and ontological condition for establishing the individual as a moderate subject leading a life of moderation; it was not an epistemological condition enabling the individual to recognize himself in his singularity as a desiring subject and to purify himself of the desire that was thus brought to light”.[2] Furthermore, Foucault argues that the relationship to truth did not bring forth a hermeneutics of desire, but it instead offered aesthetics of existence. Foucault defined this aesthetics of existence as a way of life whose moral value did not depend either on one’s being in conformity with a code of behavior, or on an effort of purification, but on certain formal principles in the use of pleasures, in the way one distributed them, in the limits one observed, in the hierarchy one respected.

It is the study of the role of power in the transformations that Foucault is mostly focusing on, for he believes that it is the surplus of power that gave rise to the soul – it certainly has power over the body, but at the same time is a prisoner of the body. The history of the body is already there, written by historians since long ago, but Foucault said that the body is also involved in a political field. It is power that has a hold on the body, using it as a force of production and making sure that it does not go to waste. But it only becomes a useful force if it is both a productive body and a subjected body.

It has to be clear that power is exercised on the body, and not possessed. Foucault mentioned that we should abandon the belief that knowledge exists where power relations are suspended, and vice versa. It is that power produces knowledge, and one implies the other. We are analysing the relationship between power and knowledge, and how this affects the historical transformations. It is the study of the role of power in the transformations that Foucault was mostly focusing on, for he believed that it was the surplus of power that gave rise to the soul - it certainly had power over the body, but at the same time was a prisoner of the body. The soul exists and has a reality, and through punishment, power constantly produces it. The issue at hand therefore is the “materiality as an instrument and vector of power … the whole technology of power over the body that the technology of the ‘soul’ … fails to conceal or compensate.”[3]

Ars erotica focuses on senses. It is knowledge of sensual pleasure that questions every aspect of sex and pleasure. There are no rules on sex in ars erotica focuses solely on the pleasures attained from the act. Ars erotica views sex as a human phenomenon—sex is something we as humans naturally desire and enjoy. It is a knowledge that was derived from personal experience. It can only be passed down from a master to a novice. This knowledge is passed on in secret because of its sacredness and value. The scientia sexualis, on the other hand, focuses on the inhuman aspect of sex. It views sex as simply a fact. Unlike ars erotica, knowledge of scientia sexualis is taken from observing. Rather than the secrets of the knowledge being passed down from master to novice, the knowledge is extracted from the novice by the master. This is where the concept of confession comes in. Scientia sexualis sees the truth as something that must be forced out of one’s consciousness. Knowledge here is kept as a secret because it is something considered shameful and wrong.[4]

In relation to Nietzsche’s Thus Spoke Zarathustra, On the Despisers of the Body, he has expression for anyone who teaches people to despise the human body. He said that he does not want these teachers to learn his own philosophy. Instead, he thinks that they should simply follow their teachings and die. Zarathustra told his listeners that only children believe in a soul. According to Zarathustra, there is only a body, and within that body is the self. The self is the ruler of the body, the essence of humanity. The self controls the ego, which in turn controls the pleasures and pains of life. What the self wants most of all is to create beyond itself.

In this speech, he compared a person's body to a kingdom in which the self is the absolute ruler of everything. Zarathustra's teaching presents a complication. The self was the ultimate ruler of a person's body, and it would create pain. Zarathustra answers that one who has decided to despise the body has led that person's self to despise his own existence. This, in turn, leads to the desire for self-destruction.

On Reading and Writing, the speech was concerned with how people communicate and how people understand one another in the essence of seeking truth. The speech starts with an aphorism: Zarathustra only loved what is written in blood. Aphorisms - short sayings that reveal a higher truth - are to be valued because they elevate the listener to a higher level of meaning. The listener will then look down on all those who do not understand. The ideas of ascending and descending once again come into play in this speech. If Thus Spoke Zarathustra had been written as an essay, most themes would be easier to comprehend. The idea of the superman, however, would be lost. The book is written as a series of aphorisms so that those who truly seek the truth will ascend to a higher level.

The rest of the speech is about how Zarathustra's own elevation allows him to "dance" above those not as enlightened by the truth as he is. He claims that the only god he could ever believe in is a god that can dance, and that a devil he can believe in is a devil of gravity and seriousness. Only through laughter can such a devil be killed. The speech ends with the image of Zarathustra flying high above the world, his enlightenment of the truth letting him look down on the rest of the world.

In this later work, Foucault analyzed how particular truths are mobilized in the formation of the subject, such that one might be required to recognize oneself as a subject through these truths. For instance, Ancient Greeks recognized themselves as individuals through their gender, class, age, wealth, marital status, and so on.

The concept of Sophrosyne[5] recalled, “State that could be approached through the exercise of self-mastery and through restraint in the practice of pleasure; it was characterized as a freedom”. For the Greeks the practice of restraint became linked to the idea of freedom. In the ancient writings, the greatest danger of aphrodisia[6] was not dishonest, but bondage to the idea of pleasure. Foucault wrote about the freedom that Greeks sought by suggesting that this “individual freedom should not, however, be understood as the independence off free will. Its polar opposite was not a natural determinism, nor was it the will of an all-powerful agency: it was enslavement—the enslavement of the self by oneself. To be free in relation to pleasures was to be free of their authority; it was not to be their slave”. For Foucault, this freedom was a “power that one brought to bear on oneself in the power that one exercised over other”. Moderation was on equal ground with justice, courage, or prudence for the Greeks.

In the ethics of pleasure, there are figures that represent the struggle for self-freedom. The first is the “vicious tyrant” who is represented of an inability to control themselves or their people. In sum, they enact serious sexual misconduct against the youth and are in need of regime change. On the other hand, the person to be praised is the leader who can exert the same control over his people that he asserts over himself.The Greek were also concerned with the manner in which the conception of mastery of oneself allowed the “virile” or “manly” character of moderation to comet to fruition. For the Greeks, a man should seek self-mastery because it allowed his manly qualities to rule his self.

The West was able to make some sense of this, although it is not so much a remarkable feature because of how we are inclined to “conquests” similar to this, since the olden times of the Greeks. The West has brought us to know sex with a certain logic that sex is coupled with desire, and it is the key to knowing who we are as a human person. Not anymore do we see sex as a means for reproducing but it now explains to us what life is. This is not anymore explained to us by scientific theories, but it is inferred by theoreticians and practitioners that sex explains everything. Foucault presented that for the Greeks the matters of sexual conduct were not the act itself, the idea of desire, or the pleasure, but the dynamics of all these ideas combined. The ontology to which the ethics of sexual behavior referred was the relationship that constituted what might be called the “texture of the ethical experience of the aphrodisia”.

Appearing in ‘On the Afterworldsmen’, Zarathustra dealt with old religion. Religion's viewpoint is that the body and earthly matters are to be overcome so that a person can experience God, but Zarathustra shows that such beliefs are unfounded. Zarathustra places a great emphasis on the body and on earthly experience. Nietzsche is beginning to explain how all truth must now be found in a subjective experience. A man can no longer look to his community or to a higher being to find meaning. A man must look inside himself and his own existence to find truth and meaning. We are made of flesh, and not spirit, and our physical needs dictate our values and desires. A sick or dissatisfied person will claim to be essentially spirit, and will create a God and an afterlife as distractions from the pains of this life.

Also mentioned in ‘On Love of the Neighbour’, he asked if people should love their neighbours. He answers no; a person should love himself more than he loves his neighbour. Until a person truly recognizes the sacred nature of his individuality, he will not become the superman. Zarathustra claims that people love their neighbours because they want someone to think highly of them. Loving one's neighbour is actually a selfish thing, but people do not think of it this way. For Zarathustra, the desire to reach the goal of superman should be greater than the desire to love one's neighbour. Instead of finding a neighbour, Zarathustra encourages his disciples to find a friend to compete with for enlightenment.

An important part of what it meant to be a subject, then as today, was to recognize that one has a certain truth to manifest in one's conduct. This focus on subjectivity and truth tends to prioritize the agency of the individual in that it highlights the action of the individual in constituting himself/herself as a subject through manifesting certain truths.

Foucault then moved to a discussion of the ideal conduct. He illustrated that many early Christian texts mentioned the elephant as the ideal form of sexual behavior because of its tenderness and compassion. For instance, Saint Francis praised the animal for its monogamous behavior. Foucault proved that the modelling behavior was present in many works, including that of Pliny[7] who Saint Francis models in other writings. Then he explained the “image” of the homosexual that speak to “not only his mannerism, his bearings, the way he gets dolled up, his coquetry, but also his facial expressions, his anatomy, the feminine morphology of his whole body, are regularly included in this disparaging description”. Foucault shows that this trend was present in much of the Greco-Roman literature particularly that of Dio Chrysostom[8].

Foucault made a reference to what he terms the “determination of the ethical substance” or the way an individual has to constitute a part of themselves in accordance with the prime material of their moral conduct. For Foucault, it is the contradictory movements of the soul, not the actual performances of the act, which serve as the prime material of moral practice. Foucault provided a description of the mode of subjection (mode d’assujettissement), which refers to the manner in which the subject recognizes a relationship with certain moral codes. This term referred to the obligation of the subject to put the rule into practice. For instance, a person can practice fidelity because they are part of a group that holds this as a high moral code and at the same time practice the rule because they feel they are then able to offer themselves as an example of the rule of morality. He concluded an idea that there might be differences in the telos of the ethical subject.

We are subject to the powers that we confess to and we ourselves become the very subject of our own confessions. Foucault talked about how confession has become a part of every aspect of our lives. This can be seen when we confess our sins to the priest, confess our crimes to the police, confess our illnesses to the doctor, etc. Confession has touched, so it seems, every institution of society. As a result, we see the concept of confession as something normal and not as power forcing us to unwillingly do so. Society has come to view confession as a way to find the truth. It is a way for us to free ourselves from the powers that keep us silent. Foucault argues that we have become subjects of both senses of the word.

In Zarathustra, the metamorphosis of the soul can best be described as a person's spiritual journey. The soul first becomes a camel, carrying heavy burdens. Then, the soul transforms again into a lion. Finally, the lion becomes a child. The camel is a beast of burden, and it represents the burdens that the laws and morality of religion place on individuals. These strictures carry the individual's soul into the desert. There, the soul transforms into a lion, fighting for its freedoms from the restrictions of religion. The lion fights viciously against the ingrained traditions of a society. The transformation of the soul into a lion is necessary to cast off the burdens of the camel. The soul must then become an innocent child once again seeking truth. By becoming a child again, the soul is able to gain its own sense of morality, not the morality imposed by religion. At the end of this speech, Zarathustra goes to a town called The Motley Cow.

Lastly, as mentioned in ‘On the Passions of Pleasure and Pain’, Zarathustra taught about true virtue as a private matter that a person feels deep down in the self. Virtue arises from passions, and is a kind of passion itself. But it is not a universal law, such as a law from God or a truth that everyone can share. Virtue is a private feeling for the individual. Religion and morality view certain passions as wrong or evil, yet Zarathustra tells his listeners that all passions are permissible and can be turned into virtue. For Zarathustra, even passions like anger and hate have been transformed into virtues so that a person who follows his teaching will no longer do evil. For him, it is mankind's battle with the virtues within that has caused all the evil in the world. The old teacher from the first speech said that only sleep could overcome this battle. Zarathustra gives another way for human beings to triumph in this battle: the superman.

Foucault's emphasis on the activity of the individual in constituting themselves makes it possible for us to spot openings for individual resistance, that is to say, activities we might perform to subvert or resist the power relations we are enmeshed in.

Contemplation on the necessity was not an attempt to reduce pleasure, but instead it was a focus on maintaining pleasure the need that brought the feeling into existence. The second aspect deals with notions of kairos[9]. In short, the important reflection required the ancient Greek to consider the appropriate time from which to make use of pleasure. Finally, the user of the erotic has to be aware of how such activities worked within their personal status in the larger hierarchy of the city-state. Foucault noted, “It may well be a trait common to all societies that the rules of sexual conduct vary according to age sex and the condition of individuals, and that the obligations and prohibitions are not imposed on everyone in the same manner. However, certain qualities were associated with certain classes of people. For example, the upper classes were expected to exhibit a greater degree of moderation than those in the lower ranks of society.

Stated in Discipline and Punish, whether punishment is carried out violently or in a "lenient" method concerning correction & confinement, one must understand that it is the body that is the focus. While it has been studied in terms of physiological processes, pathology and the like, it must be noted that it is also involved in a political arena. Power relations also have an "immediate hold upon it; they invest in it, mark it, train it, torture it, force it to carry out takes, to perform ceremonies, to emit signs.”The body however is only useful when the body is both a productive body and a subjective body. The effect of power on the body must be further seen not due to appropriation and privilege, but due to "dispositions, manoeuvres, tactics, and techniques, functioning; that one should decipher it in a network of relations constantly in tension.

Examination is the combination of the techniques of an observing hierarchy and normalizing judgment. It is a normalizing gaze that makes it possible to qualify, to classify, and to punish. It is the highly ritualized in all the mechanisms of discipline. Power relations and knowledge relations intersect in the examination. A whole domain of knowledge and power can be found in examination that lead to the development of human sciences. The hospital was organized as an ‘examining’ apparatus by the eighteenth century when visits of physicians were made regular and was demanded daily to examine patients at hospitals. Thus the hospitals became a place of training and correlation of knowledge and through which the medical discipline arose. Schools also share a similar experience that through examination, pedagogy functioned as a science.

The inadequacy of this Foucauldian ontology of the body for some sociological tasks: to be an interface between different domains: biological and social, collective and individual, constrained and free, has led some sociologists to turn to other works by Foucault for a more congenial model. In his writing, 'individual', and 'self' supplement the more usual'subject' and 'body'; in his writing on the History of Sexuality the move from concern with external technologies of power to technologies of the self is clear. Foucault's project was with how we become 'desiring subjects', in other words, how we articulate our bodies and desires within subjectivity capable of reflection.

Practices of the self mark the engagement between discourses of the social and the individual. That power is integral to the autonomous ordering of individual's own lives. Personal identities emerge not as prior and privileged ontologically, but 'in a battlefield', in which difference and opposition are the means by which identity and the boundaries of others become discernible. This formulation overcomes the criticism of Foucault’s ontology which leaves individuals as passive and totally inscribed by discourse, for now it can be seen that reflexivity plays a crucial part in the process of subjectivity. Yet the ontological implications of Foucault’s later position need further scrutiny, and three issues have been raised by critics, which are highly relevant for the application of the position in social analysis.[10]

On the Flies of the Market Place, Zarathustra returns to the marketplace, the place where he encountered the tight-rope walker in the prologue. After finishing his speech on the modern state, Zarathustra turns his attention to the marketplace, the place where ideas are exchanged. He begins to categorize the people of the market. He tells the disciple that what counts in a place such as this is showmanship. He says that there are great men, those who can attract a crowd and passionately express their opinions and ideas. These powerful people, the best showmen, are the politicians and intellectuals. They know best how to attract a crowd and to dominate the exchange of ideas. Zarathustra calls those who serve these powerful people the flies of the market. But, at the end of his teaching, Zarathustra shows the disciple that constantly being immersed in the marketplace is not the way to ascend. The exchange of ideas can only come to fruition when a person retreats into solitude to let the ideas come to light. Solitude is more necessary and noble than the market.

Conclusion

Foucault's detractors have always considered a refusal to a normative basis for resistance as a significant weakness, especially when considered in conjunction with his insistence that power relations are everywhere in human society. Foucault offers no hope of a society in which power would not operate. He insisted that the fact that 'power is everywhere' does not mean that nothing is possible – it means, rather, that everything is possible: 'if there are relations of power throughout every social field,' he argues, 'it is because there is freedom everywhere. This redefinition of power, however, carried with it the danger of removing the possibility of specifying those situations in which there is no freedom. In rejecting the view that power is an evil which is opposed to freedom, it carried the danger of implying that there is actually no such evil, that the removal of freedom is impossibility. This problem was compounded by Foucault's perceived inability to differentiate between power elations and states of domination. If power relations are inevitable, and they cannot be distinguished from relations of domination, then Foucault would seem to be giving, at the very least, a general justification for forms of domination.

As a result of these concerns, Foucault was clarified a distinction which had only ever been implicit in his work – the distinction between power and domination. He began to argue that power, or power relations, are always characterized by a more or less open play of 'strategic games between liberties', while states of domination are characterized by a shrinking space for freedom of action. A power relation can only exist in a situation in which a subjective choice is possible: 'there cannot be relations of power unless the subjects are free'. While relations of domination are those in which the power relation is fixed to such a degree that the possibility for subjective choice is almost non-existent. The examples when Foucault argues that all social relations are relations of power, he is not suggesting that domination is inevitable. He is rather suggesting that domination is the perversion of power; it represents the violent closure of social and political relations.[11]

On the Bestowing Virtue, the time has come for Zarathustra to leave the Motley Cow[12], and he and his disciples staggered out of town. Zarathustra told them that he desired to walk alone. His disciples provided him a staff on which he can lean as a present. Zarathustra was very pleased with the present and he granted them a teaching. He compared their quest for the superman to the mining of gold. H tells them that gold is valuable because it is uncommon. Their virtue is the same way. It is an uncommon virtue for a man to seek to ascend to the level of superman, but because it is uncommon it will soon become very valuable. Soon, men's souls will strive for the treasures and gems of the superman. This is selfishness, but it is a good selfishness that Zarathustra called holy. It is a good selfishness because, although Zarathustra and his disciples take these virtues for themselves, they do so in hope of bringing the superman to the rest of mankind.

There is another type of selfishness as well: a sick selfishness. This is a selfishness that takes for itself but has no desire to help mankind. This selfishness does not care if others ascend to the superman. A person who looks through history will be able to see signs of these two kinds of selfishness and must be able to see the underlying passions for good and evil. Zarathustra was a man who can read such signs. He pointed his disciples to the path to ascension. Zarathustra then preached to his disciples that they should devote their attention to the earth, to spreading the good news of the superman. He mentioned to them that humanity is a mistake, an error. Because of this mistake, madness has overcome men throughout history. Zarathustra presented to his disciples a teaching that will help humanity ascend to the superman. Like physicians, Zarathustra's disciples should keep themselves healthy while also working towards the health of other people. This part of the teaching ends with an enthusiastic declaration that the earth can recover and that humanity can be redeemed through the superman.

Zarathustra ended the speech by telling his disciples that he will be leaving them and that they should leave him as well. They should go away and even be ashamed of Zarathustra, in case he was misleading them with his teaching. He put a twist on the New Testament teaching by telling them that a person of knowledge must be able to love his enemies and hate his friends. Zarathustra told them this in case they have begun to idolize him instead of his quest for enlightenment. He wanted them to focus on themselves. Their own attempts at becoming the superman were more important than Zarathustra himself. When they have truly ascended, Zarathustra will meet up with them again. They will all meet again, he tells them, to proclaim that "Dead are all gods: now we want the superman to live."

The superman is the ultimate state of being in which man can achieve total self-mastery. For Zarathustra, the superman is the state toward which he is journeying, as well as the state to which he teaches his disciples to aspire. Human beings are only one step above animals in terms of biological evolution. The evolution that Zarathustra seeks in the superman, however, was rather a kind of spiritual evolution of self-awareness. Humanity, as Zarathustra envisioned it, was still tied with superstitious notions about God and Christianity. Those that have rejected such notions have instead accepted other notions of modern morality and justice - ideas that are just as superstitious and foolish, though for different reasons. The superman rejects these superstitions in favour a true communion with nature and with the self.

Austin Blanch

26 January 2012

090491

PH 102 sec QQ

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­

Power Relations and Subjectivity of the Individual

Midterm Paper on Michel Foucault works

and Friedrich Nietzsche’s Zarathustra

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­

Thesis Statement

"Foucault's later work (The Use of Pleasure) prioritizes subjectivity and truth while the earlier work (Discipline and Punish, The History of Sexuality Vol. 1) focus on power and knowledge. More specifically, in the later work, Foucault aimed "to study the games of truth, and the relation of self with self and the forming of oneself as the subject" (UP, 6). In this later work, Foucault analyzed how particular truths are mobilized in the formation of the subject, such that one might be required to recognize oneself as a subject through these truths. For instance, Ancient Greeks recognized themselves as individuals through their gender, class, age, wealth, marital status, and so on. An important part of what it meant to be a subject, then as today, was to recognized that one has a certain truth to manifest in one's conduct. This focus on subjectivity and truth tends to prioritize the agency of the individual in that it highlights the action of the individual in constituting himself/herself as a subject through manifesting certain truths. Foucault's emphasis on the activity of the individual in constituting themselves makes it possible for us to spot openings for individual resistance, that is to say, activities we might perform to subvert or resist the power relations we are enmeshed in."



[1] The branch of theology that is concerned with explaining or interpreting religious concepts, theories, and principles

[2] Foucault, Michel. The use of pleasure.Reprinted. ed. London [u.a.: Penguin Books, 1992.

[3] Foucault, Michel. Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. New York: Pantheon Books, 1977.

[4]Foucault, Michel, and Robert Hurley.History of Sexuality Volume 1: An Introduction. S.l.: Allen Lane, 1979

[5] Greek philosophical term etymologically meaning healthy-mindedness and from there self-control or moderation guided by knowledge and balance.

[6]A desire for heterosexual intimacy.

[7] Gaius Plinius Secundus, better known as Pliny the Elder, was a Roman author, naturalist, and natural philosopher, as well as naval and army commander of the early Roman Empire.

[8] Greek orator, writer, philosopher and historian of the Roman Empire in the 1st century

[9]An ancient Greek word meaning the right or opportune moment (the supreme moment).

[10] Fox, Nick. "Vol. 49 No. 3." In The British journal of sociology: index to volumes 41-50 (1990-1999). 415-433. London: Routledge, 1999.

[11] Leary, Timothy. Foucault: the art of ethics. London: Continuum, 2006.

[12] Represents the secular culture after the death of God.

19 January 2012

Paper 7: Rizal Letters Paper

Paper 7: Rizal Letters Paper

Austin Blanch | F11

The four letters by Dr. Jose Rizal that I have gathered accordingly, depicted a general tone of writing. He composed his letters as if he was writing a fiction literature. His consistent use of words of elaborate made an over all impression of formality and the same time ingenious. To further justify this inference, I will specifically critique the four letters that I got. First, the letter for his mother, Teadora Alonso, dated 3rd of April 1895 when he was exiled in Dapitan. He was asking his mother to give hospitality and treatment like that of her own daughter to Miss Josephine L. Tauffer - she also called herself Josephine Bracken. This is the Irish young woman who accompanied Mr. Tauffer of Hong Kong to Dapitan, seeking Rizal's services as ophthalmologist. In this letter Rizal wrote, “She is almost alone in the world; she has only very distant relatives”[1]. It was as if writing the true reason to treat her well was not enough or will not be understood by her mother. He drew on to this to emphasize that her mother must extensively be oblige to treat her perfectly.

Second, his letter to Ferdinand Blumentritt dated 24th of April 1887 at Jaegerstrasse, Berlin when he wrote his thoughts regarding his return to the Philippines. He admits that he considers Germany as his scientific mother country and reiterates his regret about leaving the country. Nevertheless, he finds consolation in the thought of seeing his family again and his beloved country, the Philippines. According to him, he will be of better use in this place. In this letter Rizal wrote, “I'll return to my country because my father has already forgiven me and I have permission to return home” and “If I could receive periodicals I would not feel there as if banished from my scientific mother country”.[2] He writes as if he was deeply attached to what he calls his scientific mother country – Germany. It somehow gave me an impression that he was thinking very colonial and superior to other countries (almost or a hairline to being racist).

Third, his letter to José Ma. Basa dated 19th of April 1891 at De Champagne, Brussels when he was depressed on account of the marriage of his fiancée, Leonor Rivera, to Mr. Charles H. Kipping. Kipping was an English engineer of the Manila Railroad and due to Rizal’s disappointment with the Filipinos at Madrid that he wanted to leave Europe at once, even borrowing money from his friend, Mr. José Ma. Basa. He was a businessman in Hong Kong and a member of the propaganda that helped to sneak in copies of La Solidaridad in the Philippines. In this letter Rizal wrote, “Now I again insist on it; I am decided to leave as soon as I receive your letter, I will board the first boat; if I had the money now, I would embark at once”.[3] As I read this letter, I felt his emotion that he desperately needed to return back home. Essentially, this particular letter brought me to a new perspective that Rizal had real sentiments and emotions; Rizal was human. He was indeed more than being a diplomat and a novelist, for reasons that he actually has reasons to feel outraged and angry to his fiancée’s marriage.

Fourth, his letter to Father Vicente García dated 7th of April 1891 at Madrid, Principe when he expressed his appreciation and gratefulness after Garcia defended him from the impetuous, heretic, and blasphemous letter written by Fr Rodriguez, an Augustinian friar. In his defense-letter the priest belied Fr Rodriguez's accusation that Rizal was an "impious man, a heretic who hated religion and Spain." According to Padre Garcia while the friar was quick to issue such accusations, he failed to cite any proposition made by Rizal that showed his "impiety, heresy, or blasphemy." Padre Garcia then proceeded to cite various phrases in the Noli that showed the hero to be the exact opposite of the heretic and blasphemer that Fr Rodriguez had accused him of being. In this letter Rizal wrote, “All that these men have studied, learned, and discovered will die with them and end in them, and shall go back to recommence the study of life. There is individual progress or improvement in the Philippines, but there is no national, general progress”.[4] Emphasizing on the tone of the whole letter and the selected text mentioned, he wrote with flowery language to further accentuate what he truly meant – that the individual only improves alone and not with his other people. Merely one benefits from his success and gains from the improvements and innovation that he brought to the society. He generally wants the individual to share what he discovered; contributing to the future generations.

Letters are considered primary sources for analysis and study of a person. It is a first-hand evaluation of experiences and endeavours that happened during his time. By reading Rizal’s letter, one can re-evaluate his conception on Rizal, different from that of the textbooks. As what I came across, I imagined him actually writing to someone I know or at times to myself. What is problematic with this study is that people would be subjected to their own past impressions on Rizal; giving the author of the letter a biased interpretation to the tone of the letters. It is important to not to take out into context the letters as it will have various meanings. Knowing the author, place, time, recipient and the history or the purpose of the letter are crucial pieces of information to consider. In conclusion, reading personal letters for academic purposes are very tedious and should be done professionally.

Miscellaneous

235. Rizal, Madrid, 7 January 1891 || To Fr. Vicente Garcia

Defense of the truth, humanity, and justice is undeserved if it's to be thanked for -- We need the experience and the applause of the old -- Let us turn our eyes towards our elders -- Leave us our thoughts and the fruits of your experience in writing -- Many have died without bequeathing to us anything more than the fame of their name -- There's individual progress, but not national -- A tear and a just word when one succumbs -- "I've suffered harsh death for saving men. What have you done for your brothers and sisters?"

Madrid, Principe

7 April 1891

Father Vicente García

Manila

My esteemed Sir,

I have long wished to write you, not to thank you for the just defense that you, before anybody else, dared to write about my first book [The Noli me tángere], but to seek light for the uncertain road of the future. I say that I have no intention to thank you because that would offend you, and because the steps that you have taken in defense of the truth, of humanity, and of justice would loose their value if they are to be thanked for. May God reward them and men content themselves in admiring and imitating them!

I belong to the young generation, anxious to do something for the country and uneasy about the mysterious future. I need to come to men who have seen much and studied more so that with their experience they may supplement our youth and limited knowledge. We need the blessing of the old, besides the applause, to encourage us in the colossal struggle and the gigantic campaign that we have thrown over our dwarfish shoulders. However great is our enthusiasm, however, confident in our youth, however promising are our illusions, we hesitate, nevertheless, in certain moments, especially when we find ourselves alone and abandoned.

In the titanic task of common regeneration, without stopping in our forward march, from time to time, we turn our eyes toward our elders to read their judgment of our actions on their faces. For this thirst of understanding the past, of knowledge, to enter into the future, we go to persons like you. Leave us your thoughts and the fruits of your long experience in writing so that, condensed in a book, we may not have to study again what you have already studied and that we may increase the heritage that we receive from you either expanding it or adding our own harvest to it.

The smallness of the advancement that the Filipinos have made in three centuries of Hispanism is all due, in my opinion, to the fact that our talented men have died without bequeathing to us nothing more than the fame of their name. We have had very great intellects. We have had a Pinpin, a Dr. Pilapil, a Father Peláez, a Father Mariano García, a Dr. Joson, and others. We have still a Benedicto Luna, a Lorenzo Francisco, and more. Nevertheless, all that these men have studied, learned, and discovered will die with them and end in them, and shall go back to recommence the study of life. There is individual progress or improvement in the Philippines, but there is no national, general progress. Here you have the individual as the only one who improves but not the species.

In the twilight of life, when in the fresh afternoon breeze one reflects on the struggles and weariness of the day, how sweet it would be to communicate your thoughts to those who are preparing for the battles of the following day!

The beautiful and immaculate career of your life, ending in the sublime work of the redemption of the wretched and the suffering, would be the most beautiful sanction of our sacrifices and a holy blessing to encourage us in the struggle. I do not wish to flatter you telling you that you will still live long. May you live longer than I for the glory of your native country and my satisfaction, for surely you will have a tear and a just word when I succumb for the cause I am defending! But, by the natural order of things, it seems that you are to die before me in a more or less distant time. What shall you say to your God, you, a priest of a religion that has declared all persons to be equal? What shall you say to God who has hated tyranny and has made human intellect free when He asks you, "What have you done for the unfortunate and the oppressed? In what have you employed your extraordinary intelligence and your enlightenment? Why have you not followed the impulses of your heart which has shuddered at seeing injustice, ignorance, abjectness, and sufferings everywhere?" What shall you reply to that God when He tells you: "I have suffered harsh death for saving others. What have you done for your brothers and sisters?"

Pardon this frankness of my heart for there is no censure in it. Who am I? A youngster who is not yet a man, who has no other merit but to think according to his convictions and afterwards to express them frankly.

Admiring you always and wishing that you impart to us a part of your learning, I close this long letter of mine wishing you to enjoy good health.

Your affectionate servant who kisses your hand,

José Rizal

Correspondence with Family Members

Recommending Miss Josephine L. Tauffer to his mother —That she give her hospitality and treat her like a daughter, as an esteemed and dear person to Rizal.

Dapitan, 14 March 1895

Mrs. Teodora Alonso
Manila
My very dear Mother,

The bearer of this letter is Miss Josephine Leopoldine Tauffer1 whom I was on the point of marrying, counting on your consent, of course. Our relations were broken on her suggestion on account of the numerous difficulties on the way. She is almost alone in the world; she has only very distant relatives.

As I am interested in her and it is very possible that she may later decide to join me and as she may be left all alone and abandoned, I beg you to give her hospitality there, treating her as a daughter, until she shall have an opportunity or occasion to come here.

I have decided to write the General2 to find out about my case.

Treat Miss Josephine as a person whom I esteem and value much and whom I would not like to be unprotected and abandoned.

Your most affectionate son who loves you,

José Rizal

If Trining can't come alone, it is very easy for her to come with Antonio.

1 This is the Irish young woman who accompanied Mr. Tauffer of Hong Kong to Dapitan, seeking Rizal's services as opthalmologist. She also called herself Josephine Bracken.

2 That is, the governor general.

Ferdinand Blumentritt

Jose Rizal writes his thoughts regarding his return to the Philippines. He admits that he considers Germany as his scientific mother country and reiterates his regret about leaving the country. Nevertheless, he finds consolation in the thought of seeing his family again and his beloved country, the Philippines, where, according to him, he will be of better use. Rizal ends his letter by acknowledging Ferdinand Blumentritt's advice regarding Weber's catechisms and his (Rizal's) health; and by asking permission to use Blumentritt's opinion regarding the Noli Me Tangere.

The return home —'To leave Berlin when now it pleases me most. . . ." — Rizal's father is anxious to see him — Sorry to leave Europe — "I'll be more useful in my country. . . .” — Bids Blumentritt farewell — "To admire Berlin in spring. . . ." — "If I could receive periodicals I would not feel there as if banished from my scientific mother country." — The catechisms of Weber — "In Manila only pleasant things are read, utile dulcissimo!

Jaegerstrasse, Berlin
24 April 1887

Esteemed Friend,

At last frigid winter is over. Today we have had 15 degrees of warmth and the trees are beginning to be clothed with green leaves. I hope that that is also the case in your country, because within a few days I'll leave Berlin with my countryman en route to the Philippines, and I should like to pass through that town to bid you farewell. I'm really sorry to leave Berlin because it is now that I like Berlin best. I have met some kind families and now precisely I have to say to them goodbye forever! I'll return to my country because my father has already forgiven me and I have permission to return home. This day (today the letter arrived) is for me a day of glory! Rejoice with me! But, despite everything, I feel a sweet melancholy for having to leave the beautiful, free, cultured, and civilized Europe; but I'll be more useful in my country than here. Here nobody needs me. If in my country I could maintain my relations with the good German scholars, if I could receive some good periodicals of civilized Europe, then I would not feel there in my native land like an exile from my scientific mother country.

Soon we shall see each other and talk of everything. I'll follow your advice. We shall arrive there on Thursday. I don't know yet if we shall start from here at the beginning of May or later. We want to admire Berlin in spring; so we are waiting until the trees turn green and bloom. I'll inform you of my arrival one week in advance so that you can change on time your Thursday or Friday lecture. But I beg you not to make any change in your manner of living. I should like to know the authentic Bohemian life.

The translation of Waitz1 has remained incomplete, but I'll ask my bookseller if he can get me a loose volume of the work. My family expects me about June or July.

I find your advice concerning the catechisms of Weber (=Max Weber) proper and practical, especially if I could embellish them a little, because in my country they like to read only pleasant things — utile dulcissimo! I admire the academicians of the German scientific societies who remain seated for hours listening to most boresome lectures without relaxing, without losing their patience. In Madrid that would be incredible.

Dr. Olshausen has asked me for some explanations about my Noli. It is not easy to tell him the content of the book as he is not acquainted with our conditions. Will you permit me to tell him something of your opinion of the work? Dr. Reiss also congratulated me, but he does not know our country as well as you do.

Your advices on how to protect our health in the different seasons are very useful because the weather is very changeable. My countryman2 (who greets you affectionately) caught a cattarh as a result of our excursion to Charlottenburg.

With my best greetings I wish you a beautiful spring, health, and joy.

Colleagues in the Propaganda Movement

Rizal, Brussels, 19 April 1891 || To José Ma. Basa

Rizal decided to leave for Hong Kong as soon as he receives Basa’s letter – Nothing now detains him in Europe.

38 Rue Phil. De Champagne

Brussels, 19 April 1891

Mr. José Basa

Hong Kong

My dear Friend Basa,

In my previous letter I asked you if you could advance me the passage money to that colony via the Messageries Maritimes. Now I again insist on it; I am decided to leave as soon as I receive your letter, I will board the first boat; if I had the money now, I would embark at once. (01)

Enclosed are one letter for Buencamino and another for my family. It seems that Buencamino has repented of his past and now is working attain for his countrymen.

I hope we meet soon. With this is my photo as a souvenir.

Affectionately yours,

Rizal

You may address your letter to me t 38 Rue Phil. De Campagne, Brussels.

___________

(01) At this time Rizal was quite depressed on account of the marriage of his fiancée, Leonor Rivera, to another man (Mr. Charles H. Kipping, an English engineer of the Manila Railroad) and of his disappointment with the Filipinos at Madrid that he wanted to leave Europe at once, even borrowing money from his friend, Mr. Basa.



[1] Rizal, José. Letters between Rizal and family members. Manila: National Heroes Commission, 1964.

[2] Rizal, José, and Ferdinand Blumentritt. The Rizal-Blumentritt correspondence. Centennial ed. Manila: José Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1961.

[3] Rizal, José. Letters between Rizal and the reformists. Popular ed. Manila: José Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1962.

[4] Rizal, José, Pablo Pastells, and Raul J. Bonoan. The Rizal-Pastells correspondence: the hitherto unpublished letters of José Rizal and portions of Fr. Pablo Pastell's fourth letter and translation of the correspondence together with a historical bacakground and theological critique. Loyola Heights, Q.C., Manila, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994.